Tagged: Palestine

ICC Opens Another Preliminary Examination – Burundi

Fatou Bensouda, the ICC’s Prosecutor, announced in her statement that a preliminary examination has been initiated into Burundi on-going crisis, allegedly involving more than 430 persons killed, at least 3,400 people arrested, and over 230,000 Burundians forced to seek refuge. As reported in an earlier post, the Prosecutor has been watching the ongoing situation in Burundi since early 2015, commenting on the then-upcoming election, fulfilling the OTP’s early warning function and preemptively calling for peace and cease of violence. It appears however, that her prevention efforts within Burundi, a State Party to the Rome Statute, unfortunately fell short because about a year later, she is initiating a preliminary examination.

Preliminary examination may be initiated by the Prosecutor, referral from a State Party or Security Council, or a 12(3) declaration by a State that is not a Party to the Rome Statute. In this case, the Prosecutor exercised its vested authority to begin examination. The purpose of such examination is to review and assess information available so far to determine whether a reasonable basis to proceed with investigation exists. Article 53(1) of Rome Statute requires Prosecutor to consider issues of jurisdiction (often focusing on the Court’s subject matter jurisdiction), admissibility (comprising of both complementarity and gravity determination often focusing on the domestic prosecutorial and investigative efforts) and overall interest of justice.

Not every preliminary examination leads to authorization to investigate. In situations of Honduras, Republic of Korea, and the Vessels of Comoros, the Court found no reasonable basis to proceed with investigation, as required by art. 53(1), and concluded its preliminary examinations without prejudice, leaving the possibility to re-open examination available should additional information and evidence surface. On the other hand, in situations of Libya, Ivory Coast, Mali, Georgia, and CAR II, for example, the Court moved forward, finding reasonable basis to proceed and securing pre-trial chamber’s authorization to open investigation in these situations.

The ICC has seven open preliminary examinations at this time, making Burundi the eighth one. Three situations, Palestine, Ukraine and Iraq, are currently in Phase 2 – having the Court consider subject-matter jurisdiction. Four situations, Afghanistan, Colombia, Guinea, and Nigeria, have moved to Phase 3 – having the Court consider issues of admissibility. The Court issues reports on its preliminary examination conclusions each year sharing its findings in each situation and ensuring so the much needed transparency.

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International Criminal Court Welcomes Palestine as a State Party

POST WRITTEN BY: Prof. Peter Widulski, Assistant Director of the First Year Legal Skills Program and the Coach of International Criminal Moot Court Team at Pace Law School.

To follow up on an earlier post, on April 1, 2015 at a ceremony at The Hague the representatives of the International Criminal Court (ICC) welcomed Palestine as the 123rd Party to the ICC’s Rome Statute. The ICC representatives expressed hope that Palestine’s acceptance of the Rome Statute will contribute to the Statute’s goal of ending impunity for grave crimes of an international dimension.

Mindful of hotly contested issues relating to the Palestinian territory of Gaza, from which Hamas has launched attacks against Israel and in which Israel has launched attacks against Hamas, Judge Kuniko Ozaki, delivering Welcoming Ceremony remarks in the capacity of Acting President of the ICC, reminded Palestine that by becoming a State Party, it accepted the obligations (set out in Part 9 of the Rome Statute) requiring a State Party to “cooperate fully with the Court in its investigation and prosecution of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court.”

The ICC Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) recently addressed issues relating to Gaza. In May 2013, the OTP opened a preliminary examination into an incident on May 31, 2010 relating to Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza. At issue was whether the OTP had sufficient basis to open a formal investigation regarding war crimes allegedly committed by members of the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) when they boarded registered vessels of ICC State Parties that were attempting to defy the blockade. After conducting a preliminary examination for approximately 17 months, on November 6, 2014 the OTP issued a report pursuant to Article 53(1) of the Rome Statute, in which it thoroughly reviewed the matter and decided not to open a formal investigation.

The OTP’s report concludes that Israel’s stated purpose for the blockade was to interdict arms shipments that it considered would be used by Hamas for attacks against Israel. In May 2010, groups opposing the blockade organized a flotilla to bring humanitarian aid to the Palestinians and also to protest and to encourage international condemnation of the blockade. Israel had offered to allow the humanitarian aid to be delivered to Palestine by other means. On May 31, 2010, IDF personnel boarded some of the vessels after providing a warning. Several passengers on board one of the vessels violently resisted the IDF, but this resistance was not of such a degree as to disqualify the resisting passengers’ status as protected persons under the Geneva Conventions. While the information available did not support several potential charges, there was a reasonable basis to believe that the IDF willfully killed ten of the 500+ passengers, caused serious injury to several others, and committed outrages upon personal dignity of others. Nevertheless, the scale of the crimes involved, given the surrounding circumstances, did not meet the gravity requirement of Articles 17(1)(d) and 53(1)(d) of the Rome Statute.

Further, Rome Statute Article 8, defining war crimes, provides somewhat different rules depending on whether the acts in question were committed in the context of an international or non-international armed conflict. Addressing this issue, the OTP report concluded that “the prevalent view within the international community is that Israel remains an occupying power in Gaza” because of several controlling measures taken by Israel – despite Israel’s withdrawal of its forces from Gaza and the dismantling of Israeli settlements there in 2005. Citing basic principles of the international law of occupation, the OTP concluded that because Israel retains the capability of exercising effective control over Gaza, hostilities between Israel and Hamas implicated an international armed conflict.

Thus, if Israel is in fact in effective control of Gaza, ICC investigation of Gaza-related violence will likely be hampered because Israel, not being a Party to the ICC Statute, has no obligation to comply with ICC investigations. On the other hand, Palestine can find support in the international law of occupation, referenced by the OTP, stating that occupation of a State over part of the territory of another State does not displace the sovereignty of the latter over the occupied territory.

ICC Prosecutor Responds to Criticism Regarding the Court and Gaza

POST WRITTEN BY: Prof. Peter Widulski, Assistant Director of the First Year Legal Skills Program and the Coach of International Criminal Moot Court Team at Pace Law School.

On September 2, 2014, the ICC Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, issued a public statement in which she rejected as “baseless” criticisms in “[r]ecent media reports and commentaries,” which she said “have erroneously suggested that the International Criminal Court (ICC) has persistently avoided opening an investigation into alleged war crimes in Gaza due to political pressure.”

The Prosecutor stated that these criticisms were without merit because of the Rome Statute’s jurisdictional requirements. The Prosecutor did not (and could not, without investigation) argue that any alleged crimes committed by any participant in the conflict failed to meet the Statute’s subject matter requirements for genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity. The problem, rather, was the Statute’s other jurisdictional requirements that authorize the ICC to open an investigation only with respect to crimes alleged to have occurred on the territory of a State or by nationals of a State that has ratified the Rome Statute or has accepted ICC jurisdiction by an ad hoc declaration pursuant to Article 12(3) of the Statute. At this time, neither Israel nor the Palestinian Authority is a State Party to the Rome Statute, nor has either as yet filed an Article 12(3) declaration. (Palestine did file such a declaration in 2009, but it was found invalid for lack of standing.)

The Prosecutor noted that her Office after examination has concluded that because of UN General Assembly Res. 67/19 issued on November 29, 2012 upgrading Palestine’s status to a “non-member observer State,” Palestine could now accede to the Rome Statute or lodge an Article 12(3) declaration conferring jurisdiction to the ICC over the situation in Gaza. But it has not yet done so.

The Prosecutor in her statement referred to an additional mechanism through which the ICC could obtain authorization to investigate the situation in Gaza. Pursuant to Article 13(b) of the Rome Statute, the UN Security Council can act under its Chapter VII powers to authorize an ICC investigation, even if the alleged crimes were not committed on the territory of a State Party or by a national of a State Party. The Security Council has not taken such action as yet with respect to Gaza (nor has it done so with respect to the violence in Syria).

Amnesty International, a non-governmental organization whose mission is to protect human rights internationally, has called for the UN Security Council, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel to provide the ICC with jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute any persons responsible for committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in the current and past Israeli-Palestinian conflicts.

The Prosecutor concluded her September 2 statement by saying,

It is my firm belief that recourse to justice should never be compromised by political expediency. The failure to uphold this sacrosanct requirement will not only pervert the cause of justice and weaken public confidence in it, but also exacerbate the immense suffering of the victims of mass atrocities. This, we will never allow.

The ICC has been the target of many political criticisms and challenges, starting from its foundational conferences in the 1990s, and these challenges will, no doubt, continue for years to come. The ICC Prosecutor is to be commended for being proactive in addressing these challenges in an effort to support the credibility of the Court.